Author: Johnson Okùnadé

THE VICISSITUDES OF IKOYI

The fall of Adegun at the Kanla war left the kingship of Ikoyi vacant. There were two aspirants to the title; Siyenbola, the son of the late Adegun, and Ojo, the son of Adegun’s predecessor. The majority of the people was for Siyenbola, and Ojo’s partisans were but few. Ojo, however, went to Oyo to have the title conferred on him by the Suzerain as of yore, and he succeeded in obtaining the Alaafin’s favour in his claim.

King Amodo was glad for this mark of recognition and hoped for the gradual return of the provincial kings to their allegiance. He, therefore, made Ojo take a solemn oath that he would ever be loyal to him. His Majesty strictly charged him against making any league with Edun the rebel chief of Gbogun through whose town he must pass to reach his home at Ikoyi.

This charge was occasioned by the treacherous conduct of Edun at the Kanla war by which the Alaafin lost the day. “I am a King,” said Amodo, ” and you are now a king. Kings should form an alliance with kings and not with a commoner.” The King justly anticipated what would happen, for when Ojo the new Onikoyi reached Gbogun on his way home, Edun sought his friendship and alliance, and pressed him to take an oath with him, that they would always be faithful to each other.

Ojo stoutly refused to take the oath, alleging that it was unbecoming for a king to take an oath with one not of royal blood. But Edun was a man of power, and the Onikoyi was already in his clutches being in his town and he felt he could do whatever he liked with him; he, therefore, insisted that the oath should be taken before the Onikoyi could leave his town.

Ojo was in a dilemma, his oath of allegiance to the Alaafin forbade him to disobey the King’s charge, and now he was at the mercy of this miscreant. He had now no option, the oath must be taken and the only way out of it the Onikoyi could find was to delegate one of his attendants to perform the business for him, as the fitness of things required from the inequality of their respective ranks.

The Kakanfo considered this an insult to his dignity, and he resented it by ordering Atanda one of his own attendants to take the oath with the Onikoyi’s delegate.

Whilst this was taking place at Gbogun, tidings reached Ikoyi that Ojo had succeeded in obtaining the title from the Alaafin, and Siyenbola who had usurped it, therefore, fled from the town with all his party to Ilorin. The remnant of Ojo’s party at home who did not accompany him to Oyo met him at Esiele with the news that the town had been deserted from disgust that he should reign over them.

The Onikoyi was too weak to proceed to occupy Ikoyi with his small party, he, therefore, remained at Esiele. A week after this, the Ilorin horse came against Esiele to espouse the cause of Siyenbola, and they had seven days of hard fighting, but finding it not such an easy business to rush the town, as they had supposed, they retreated home to make full preparation for a regular siege at the ensuing year.

The siege was accordingly laid in the following year. Esiele held out for a long time, being heroically defended by its Balogun Kurumi, and another notable war-chief Dado. When they could hold out no longer, the war-chiefs deserted the town, leaving mostly the women and children at the mercy of the conquerors. Ojo the Onikoyi was slain, and Siyenbola having now no rival obtained the title of Onikoyi from the Emir of Ilorin, and returned with those of his party who went with him to Ilorin to re-occupy the town.

Thus, Ikoyi was re-peopled but no longer as a vassal state of Oyo but of Ilorin. The city was rapidly refilled by those of Ojo’s party that escaped the fall of Esiele and they now acknowledged Siyenbola as their king. Esiele also was again re-peopled, as it was not actually destroyed by war but deserted under stress. The inhabitants were permitted to remain as they were because the siege was laid against the town on account of the late Onikoyi—no longer alive.

Shortly after this, there was a serious complication between Edun of Gbogun the Kakanfo and Dada the Bale of Adeyi which broke out into a war. Edun marched his army through Esiele to besiege Adeyi, but Fasola the Bale of Esiele hearing that the Kakanfo’s army was to pass through his town having hardly recovered from the effects of the late war, and dreading the devastation and pillaging of farms consequent on such a march, deserted the town. So Esiele was again desolate, the people finding refuge at Ogbomoso and Ikoyi.

The expedition, however, was unsuccessful. The Kakanfo’s army suffering many reverses, it had to be given up.

THE GBOGUN WAR AND FALL OF EDUN THE KAKANFO

Gbogun was the last of the powerful towns in the country and as the aim of the Fulanis was the subversion of the whole country, a pretext for war was soon found in order to lay siege against her. Abdulsalami the Emir of Ilorin threatened the Kakanfo with war if he refused to pay allegiance to him; Edun accepted the challenge and began at once to make a vast preparation, offensive and defensive.

Ikoyi being already a vassalage of Ilorin and a neighbouring town, Edun regarded her as an enemy and insisted that it should be deserted at once or he would take her by surprise. Siyenbola the Onikoyi sent ambassadors to Gbogun to arrange terms of peace but Edun refused to hear of any such thing and threatened to destroy the town the next day, if not deserted at once as he would not afford the Ilorins a base of operation against him at such close quarters.

There being no alternative, Ikoyi was a second time deserted and Siyenbola escaped to Ilorin. Gbogun was soon besieged by the Ilorins and desperate battles were fought, the defenders fighting heroically and could not be overwhelmed until at last the city was reduced by famine and thus Gbogun fell, the last of the powerful towns of Yoruba.

Edun the greatest Yoruba general of the day escaped by way of Gbodo where he was overtaken, being hotly pursued by the Ilorin horse. He had with him a handful of veterans and such was the terror his very name inspired that the pursuers did not dare to offer him battle. The men of Gbodo were torn between two opinions whether they should afford protection to their fallen general or allow him to escape in peace.

But the pursuers insisted on his destruction, saying “If you allow him to escape, your lives will go for his life as you will show yourselves thereby to be an enemy to the Emir of Ilorin.” This decided the men of Gbodo; in order to save themselves, they took up arms against the fallen general and overwhelmed him and his faithful few, the brave man himself falling under a shower of darts fighting gallantly at the head of his little band.

His head was taken off, raised upon a pole and carried in triumph to the camp and from thence to Ilorin; Oduewu his eldest son and some of the distinguished war-chiefs who were taken being compelled to ride behind it in order to grace the triumph of the conquerors. On the 3rd day after their arrival at Ilorin Oduewu succeeded in purchasing the head of his father and had it decently buried to save himself from disgrace.

After the fall of Gbogun, Siyenbola returned the second time to Ikoyi. Fasola the Bale of Esiele, who had escaped with his family and a few followers to Ogbomgso, also returned to his town. On his way to Esiele, he was the guest of Siyenbola the Onikoyi for three days. He and his sons Sinolu and Abosede and his eldest daughter Omotajo were feasted on the flesh of an elephant just killed and brought to the Onikoyi.

This was regarded as an auspicious omen.

REFERENCE

1. Samuel Johnson; The history of the Yorubas, Lagos, CSS Limited; 1921; pg. 126-128

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Copyright © 2020 by My Woven Words: No part of this published blogpost and all of its contents may be reproduced, on another platform or webpage without prior permission from My Woven Words except in the case of brief quotations cited to reference the source of the blogpost and all its content and certain other uses permitted by copyright law.

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THE BATTLE OF PAMO

Alimi the Moslem priest, who was at the head of the foreigners at Ilorin died after the last war and was succeeded by his son Abdulsalami, who became the first King, or Emir, of Ilorin. Ilorin now passes definitely into the hands of the Fulanis as rulers and affords a home for the Gambaris (Hausas) from whom the Jamas were recruited.

The late Alimi was much respected at Ilorin from his arrival there as a mere priest. At first, he had no intention of making Ilorin his home much less to embark upon a career of conquest; and indeed, when Afonja and his Jamas commenced their excesses he was prepared to return to his own country from disgust, but some elders of the Yorubas prayed him to stay and act as a check on Afonja for there was no one else to whom he would defer and there was no telling how far he would go without someone to put the fear of God into him.

The Kakanfo and the people of Ilorin prevailed upon him to send for his family and make Ilorin his home. Alimi was a pure Fulani by birth and his wife also a Fulani lady. They lived together for a considerable time without any issue. The wife then consulted a Moslem priest as to her state of childlessness, and she was told to give out of her abundance to a distinguished Moslem priest a slave as alms to the glory of God, and she was sure to have children.

Having considered this matter over, she came to the conclusion within herself that she knew of no distinguished Moslem priest greater than her own husband, and therefore she gave to her husband one of her maidens as “alms to the glory of God.” This maiden as Alimi’s secondary wife became the mother of Abudusalami and Shitta his two eldest sons. The Fulani lady herself subsequently gave birth to a son named Sumonu, who was nick-named Beribepo (one who cuts off head and post).

Alimi afterwards took to himself a third wife by whom he also had a son, and, therefore at his death he left four sons to inherit his property. As will be seen below, however, no advantage in the matter of government accrued to the son of the real wife (who was a pure white Fulani) above those of the slave wife who were coloured. Hence in the third generation, the chief rulers of Ilorin have become black.

The power of the Fulanis was now very great, and they aimed at nothing short of the subversion of the whole Yoruba country, and the short-sighted Yoruba war-chiefs were playing the game for them by their mutual jealousy of one another. One expedition followed after another and the result was the devastation and depopulation of the country.

Farseeing men had predicted all this if the various Yoruba families did not unite and expel the foreigners, but jealousy and rivalry among the chiefs prevented unity of purpose. Allegiance was no longer paid to the King, not even in the capital. Intestine wars not only weakened the country but offered it an easy prey to the common enemy.

Thus, Toyeje the Kakanfo at Ogbomoso had a difference with Adegun the Onikoyi which at length broke out into an open war, each of them being now independent, and neither would submit to the other. The Kakanfo formed an alliance with the Oluiwo of Iwo, the Timi of Ede and Solagberu of Ilorin, and besieged the Onikoyi in his city of Ikoyi.

Solagberu had his own personal grievance to vent because the Onikoyi did not do homage to him or pay him tribute; so, he came with all the Ilorin forces at his command. Abdulsalami the Emir alone remained at home. The combined forces encamped at a place called Pamo. The conflict was very fierce, and Ikoyi, hemmed in on all sides, was nearly taken, when Asegbe the Olofa’s Ilari, who was then with his master, a refugee at Ikoyi, saved the city by wise and judicious measures.

He told his master and it also came to the Onikoyi’s hearing that if he could be allowed to use his wisdom without being forbidden or thwarted, he could save the city. The besieged who were prepared to agree to any terms in order to obtain peace accepted the offer, although reluctantly, as Asegbe kept his plans to himself. He sent a private messenger to Abdulsalami the Emir of Ilorin in the name of the Onikoja, that he was besieged in his city, for the sole reason that he declared himself for the Emir of Ilorin.

The Emir again questioned the messenger “Is it true the Onikoyi declared for me?”

“Quite true, your Majesty,” was his reply.

“Then the siege must be raised,” said the Emir.

Orders were now sent to recall Solagberu with all the Ilorin forces, but he refused to obey orders. Again, and again peremptory orders were sent, with the same result. The fifth and last message was to the Princes and other chiefs, to the effect that whoever would prove himself loyal should return home at once by the order of the Emir. The Ilorin army now left the camp, leaving Solagberu alone behind together with the allies.

The next effort of the Emir of Ilorin was to raise the siege at all cost, and hence he sent his army to reinforce Ikoyi. These Ilorin troops entered Ikoyi, but for ten days did nothing but help themselves to everything they could lay hands on, eating and drinking to excess. On the eleventh day, they asked to be conducted to the scene of action. Then they joined battle and completely routed the Kakanfo’s army. Solagberu fled back to his quarters at Ilorin, and the Yorubas were dispersed.

Solagberu’s feelings towards Abdulsalami can better be imagined than described. The men of note who fell in this war were, The Timi of Ede, the king of Erin, the Chief Aina-Abutu-Sogun, and Ayope.

Although Solagberu was allowed to remain in his quarters, yet the disaffection between him and the Emir of Ilorin was very great, and every incident served but to heighten it. It grew from jealousy and ill will to opposition and resentment, and at length into a civil war. The Emir’s party besieged Oke Suna, desperate battles were fought, but the besieged held out for a long time until they were reduced by famine.

They were hard to put to it in order to sustain life, living on frogs, lizards, barks of trees, etc., till no green thing could be found at Oke Suna, Solagberu had cause to remember with regret his treachery towards his friend Afonja, in his hour of need, at the hands of these very Jamas. At last, Oke Suna was reduced and Solagberu was slain.

Abdulsalami the Fulani Emir having now no rival in any Yoruba King or Chief, the Onikoyi having declared for him, the Kakanfo’s army shattered, and Solagberu slain, resolved upon subverting the whole kingdom, and making himself the King of the Yoruba country. The remaining Yoruba towns spared were placed under tribute. He was aided in his enterprise by the Jamas whose tyrannies and oppression greatly exceeded those which they practised in the days of Afonja, which were so galling to the Yorubas: formerly it was only the livestock that were freely taken away, but now, they entered houses and led away women and young persons at their pleasure. It was literally enslaving the people!

To such a wretched and miserable condition were the people reduced, especially in the provinces.

REFERENCE

1. Samuel Johnson; The history of the Yorubas, Lagos, CSS Limited; 1921; pg. 126-128

COPYRIGHT

Copyright © 2020 by My Woven Words: No part of this published blogpost and all of its contents may be reproduced, on another platform or webpage without prior permission from My Woven Words except in the case of brief quotations cited to reference the source of the blogpost and all its content and certain other uses permitted by copyright law.

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Get started by reading: THE FIRST ATTEMPT TO RECOVER ILORIN FROM THE FULANIS: THE BATTLE OF OGELE

And: THE SECOND ATTEMPT TO EXPEL THE FULANIS AND RECOVER ILORIN: THE MUGBAMUGBA WAR

Kanla War: Amodo was ill at ease under the yoke of the Fulani Emir of Ilorin, and he prevailed upon all the Yoruba chiefs throughout the country to unite and rid themselves of their common enemy.’  Apparently, they were united, but between the capital and the provinces, the spirit of disaffection and jealousy was strong. It was understood full well that the King’s policy was to use them together to rid himself first of the common enemy and then to subdue the rebel chiefs one after another, by force of arms.

But the Ilorins, on the other hand, were more diplomatic. In order to facilitate their plans, they made friends with some of the Yoruba chiefs who were men of power, and who, if united, would be able to oppose them successfully; such were Prince Atiba of Ago Oja, Edun chief of Gbogun, the most powerful Yoruba general of the day, and Adegun the Onikoyi the premier provincial king.

Whenever there was war with the Ilorins these chiefs usually acted against their own real and national interests, either by betraying their own nation and people or by giving their backs to the enemy without shooting an arrow, thus allowing the Ilorin horse the advantage of out-flanking their foes.

Alaafin Amodo having prevailed upon all the chiefs to come together declared war against the Fulanis, and Ilorin was besieged by a formidable army raised throughout the country. Adegun the Onikoyi was suffering from indisposition and was really unfit to take the field; but Edun of Gbogun, his rival forced him to go to the war, secretly planning with the Ilorins that he would give way in the heat of the battle, in order that Adegun might be taken alive!

This battle took place at Kanla from which the expedition was named.

Edun having carried out his act of treachery, the Onikoyi was surrounded by the Ilorin horse, but he fought, fought bravely and fell like a hero. Thus, the Alaafin’s army was routed, and the people fled away in confusion.

It was at the time when the rivers overflowed their banks, and a number of people drowned at the river Ogun. The most notable chief who drowned on this occasion was Oja the founder of Ago (the present Oyo). Prince Atiba, one of the rising powers, rode his powerful horse into the river and narrowly escaped being drowned.

The Yoruba towns deserted at this defeat were Esiele and Popo.

REFERENCE

1. Samuel Johnson; Kanla War: The history of the Yorubas, Lagos, CSS Limited; 1921; pg. 126-128

COPYRIGHT

Copyright © 2020 by My Woven Words: No part of this published blogpost and all of its contents may be reproduced, on another platform or webpage without prior permission from My Woven Words except in the case of brief quotations cited to reference the source of the blogpost and all its content and certain other uses permitted by copyright law.

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THE SECOND ATTEMPT TO EXPEL THE FULANIS AND RECOVER ILORIN: THE MUGBAMUGBA WAR

Get started by reading: THE FIRST ATTEMPT TO RECOVER ILORIN FROM THE FULANIS: THE BATTLE OF OGELE

After a short respite, the Yorubas again rallied and resolving to rid the country of these hordes of marauders the Jamas, made an alliance with Monjia, the King of Rabbah, that he may help them to extirpate the pests.

The war took place somewhere between March and April at the time when the locust fruit was ripe for harvest. The country was already devastated by the late wars, many towns were left desolate, and consequently, there were no farms for foraging.

The food there was in the Ilorin farms were soon eaten up, and both the besiegers and the besieged were without provisions and had to live on the locust fruit (igba). Hence the war was termed Mugbamugba.

The Yorubas were again unsuccessful in this expedition. They had not yet learnt how to cope with cavalry and the Fulanis were expert horsemen. From successive defeats, the Yorubas lost all courage, and victories one after another made the Ilorins more confident so that in the open fields they gained easy victories over the Yorubas.

Also, when they were protected within walled towns the Fulanis reduced the Yorubas by long sieges and famine. On this occasion, the Ilorins attacked the allies to advantage.

They hid their horses in the rear of the allied armies and while A party of horsemen engaged them in front of the main body of the cavalry suddenly bore down upon them from the rear and routed them.

Monjia fled precipitately to his own country, leaving the Yorubas at the mercy of the victors. The Fulanis in Ilorin followed up their victory and swept away all the towns in the direction of Offa, Erin, Igbona etc.

The Olofa with Asegbe his favourite and wise Ilari escaped to Ikoyi.

On Woven History next week Wednesday, anticipate for a continuation; The Battle of Kanla, a continuation of the Mugbamugba War

REFERENCE

1. Samuel Johnson; The history of the Yorubas, Lagos, CSS Limited; 1921; pg. 126-128

COPYRIGHT

Copyright © 2020 by My Woven Words: No part of this published blogpost and all of its contents may be reproduced, on another platform or webpage without prior permission from My Woven Words except in the case of brief quotations cited to reference the source of the blogpost and all its content and certain other uses permitted by copyright law.

For permission requests, contact the admin on admin@johnsonokunade.com, or WhatsApp/Text him on +2347036065752

THE FIRST ATTEMPT TO RECOVER ILORIN FROM THE FULANIS: THE BATTLE OF OGELE

The personal animosity between Aare Afonja and Alaafin Aole degenerated to show off strength between the two leading figures in the administration of the Oyo Empire. This culminated into the summary termination of Alaafin Aole and declaration of independence for Ilorin.

Aare Afonja’s effort to consolidate his power and position as the supreme authority in Ilorin dictated two major actions that eventually played key roles in the historical changes witnessed in Ilorin.

One of such actions of the Aare was his contact with Shehu Alimi through his friend Sholagberu. The second was the Aare’s decision to recruit slaves who ran to Ilorin from their masters in Oyo town, after Ilorin had been declared independent of Oyo, into his army.

The first of the Aare’s steps was to seek spiritual support for his new position and status. He, therefore, persuaded Shehu Alimi to migrate into Ilorin town from Kuwo (a suburb of Ilorin) where he had then settled.

This was after Shehu Alimi’s Islamic evangelical mission to parts of Yoruba land, such as Oshogbo and even Oyo Ile. It was for Aare’s persuasion that Shehu Alimi eventually migrated to Ilorin town.

On the recruitment of the slaves who ran to Ilorin as a sanctuary, the Aare saw their presence in Ilorin as an advantage to have soldiers who do not have any relations with the local environment.

Therefore, the question of betrayer would be out of the way, given the circumstances of his declaration of independence for Ilorin from Oyo. Aare’s confidence and high regards for the slave soldiers soon result in its abuse.

The slave soldiers saw themselves as an important element to the survival of Ilorin as an independent entity. Therefore, they resorted to committing atrocities and rapacity that Fagboun, the left-wing commander (Osi Kakanfo) of the Aare’s army had to call Aare’s attention to the implications of the excesses of the slave soldiers, who were commonly referred to as Aare’s servants.

Aare Afonja’s efforts to restructure the army with the aim of preventing further damage by the slave soldiers for their rapacity mobilized the slave soldiers to organize a mutiny, eventually resulted in Aare Afonja’s death.

The tragic end of Afonja the Kakanfo by the hands of his Jamas had long been anticipated by thoughtful men who deprecated their formation and had predicted the worst for the nation when slaves became masters.

The death of the Kakanfo struck the whole nation with such awe and bewilderment that it took the people nearly a whole year to bring them to their right mind. Seeing that the fate of the whole nation was trembling in the balance as it were.

All the people united to avenge the death of Afonja, while in the meantime, the crafty Fulani had been strengthening himself for the conflict. He had studied the Yorubas and knew how to circumvent them.

Toyeje the Baale of Ogbomoso and commander of the late Kakanfo’s right (Otun Kakanfo), was promoted to the post of Kakanfo, and the whole nation was united under his standard to expel the Fulanis from Ilorin.

In 1824, they encamped at a place called Ogele (which is why this battle is referred to as the battle of Ogele in history), where they were met by the Fulani horse aided by the powerful Yoruba Moslem Chief Solagberu of Oke Suna.

A sanguinary battle was fought in which the Fulanis were victorious. They routed the Yorubas and followed up their victory, which resulted in the desertion or destruction of a great many towns in the then Ibolo province.

The only important towns left in that part were Offa, Igbona, Ilemona, Erin, and a few others. The refugees could only carry away much of their personal effects which could be snatched away in a hasty flight.

As the Fulani horse kept hovering in their rear. They found temporary refuge in any walled town where a powerful chief happened to be, there, it may be, to await another siege by the conqueror.

The distress caused by this calamity cannot be described. Aged people who could not be carried away were left to perish. The doleful lamentations of parents who had lost their children, and of thousands of widows and orphans were heartrending.

Bereft of everything, without money, or anything that could be converted into money in such hasty and sudden flight, they were reduced to abject misery and poverty among strangers.

They could only support life by doing menial work by procuring firewood or leaves for sale and such like. A people who until recently lived in what for them was affluence and plenty.

They were oppressed with want and misery brought about by the want of foresight, and the vaulting ambition of their rulers.

On Woven History next week Wednesday, anticipate for: The Second Attempt to Expel the Fulanis and Recover Ilorin: The Mugbamugba War, a continuation of this first attempt; The Battle of Ogele

REFERENCE

1.  Vanessa Eniola and Mofeyisade Adeyemi; Conflict as a driving instrument of progress and progression: The Ilorin case
2. Chief Oyebisi Okewuyi (JP.) 2013, Ogbomoso in the Early Times, Modern Era and in Today’s Contemporary World, Published and printed by Johnny Printing Works, Beside Okelerin Court Area, Ogbomoso, Nigeria
3. Samuel Johnson; The history of the Yorubas, Lagos, CSS Limited; 1921; pg. 126-128

Introduction

The reign of Baale/Aare Ona Kakanfo, Toyeje Akanni nicknamed Alebiosu; ‘one who shines like the moon’, is important because his ascension to the throne of Ogbomoso had far-reaching results and effects not only on the course of the history of Ogbomoso but indeed on Oyo Empire as a whole.

Toyeje Akanni was a son of King Kumoyede (the sixth king of Ogbomoso) and great-grandson of Soun Ogunlola Ogundiran, the first king of Ogbomoso. Toyeje became the king upon the dethronement of Olukan, the eighth king. He was the first of Kumoye’s five sons to ascend the throne and the fourteenth king of the town, Ojo Abuirumaku. His reign marked the beginning of the monopoly of the throne by the descendants of Kumoye as henceforth only Kumoye’s descendants got on the throne.

His mother, Agbonrin, was of a noble family in Oyo. Toyeje, born in about 1760s, was of quiet disposition which belied his strong character. Wiry in stature and wily in behaviour, he was a perfect fit for the time he lived. The account of how he forged himself to be a redoubtable warrior is not told but he grew a warrior and soon joined the military caste

To be able to understand and appreciate the work and activities of Toyeje Akanni, we must examine the situation of things in Yorubaland. The first point to note was that the peace and order that reigned during the kingship of Alaafin Abiodun was no more. The very fact was that the Nupe, the Ibariba, the Egbas, and the Dahomeans had ceased to pay allegiance to Alaafin of Oyo.

With the death of Kakanfo Oyabi from Ajase and earlier on, Alaafin Aole had committed suicide, Afonja who was stationed in Ilorin forcefully made himself the Aare Ona Kakanfo, the (generalissimo) of the Yoruba army. One after the other, Adebo and Maku who came to the throne as Alaafin made a spirited effort with no success to checkmate Afonja’s excessive inordinate ambition to gain freedom.

Kakanfo Afonja was already power-drunk, allied with Alimi the Fulani Mallam for spiritual assistance and military help as will be seen becoming his undoing. Aare Afonja’s efforts to restructure the army with the aim of preventing further damage by the slave soldiers for their rapacity mobilized the slave soldiers to organize a mutiny, eventually resulted in Aare Afonja’s death.

As events were unfolding, Aare Oyabi who perfectly plotted the death of Basorun Gaa also fell apart with Alaafin Abiodun too, thus he too was unceremoniously removed for an unsatisfactory and unconvincing explanation. Thus, by the turn of the 18^th Century, Toyeje Akanni with the death of Gbogun became the Otun (Deputy and commander of the right wing) to the Aare Ona Kakanfo.

This was because as a warrior prince from Ogbomoso, the land of the brave, he had earlier taken part in war campaigns under warlords like Afonja, Ayo of Abemo, and Gbogun. He attained the military post of Otun Aare before becoming Baale of Ogbomoso. On becoming the Baale and Aare Ona Kakanfo at the death of Afonja, he was saddled to hold together the already disunited Yoruba nation and also to build and fortify Ogbomoso against invasion.

It was Alaafin Majotu who appointed Toyeje as the new Field marshal of the Yoruba army after about five years of interregnum before Alaafin Majotu ascended the throne of Oyo. It should be noted that Toyeje ascended the throne of Ogbomoso as Baale after Adegun mounted the throne of Ikoyi as the Onikoyi in the midst of succession disputes in that town.

Meanwhile, Fagbohun the Baale of Jabata had predicted that if Afonja’s inordinate ambition was not stemmed or put on hold, trouble and unrest would not only befall Ogbomoso but would be disastrous and catastrophic for Yorubaland. Quite rightly and true to his prediction, Afonja’s alliance with his Fulani Jamaa aided his military campaign which signalled and set in motion the attack on Yoruba country led to Yoruba civil strife which progressively marked the eventual fall of the Oyo Empire.

But before the fall of Oyo, Afonja’s alliance with the Jihadists turned out to be a disaster for his political authority was not only challenged but he too was killed in late 1823 and therefore Ilorin became a Muslim state, paid allegiance to Sokoto, and became an emirate in the Sokoto caliphate as Abdulsalam the son of Alimi who succeeded him received a flag of authority from Sokoto.

Before dwelling into the military campaigns which Toyeje commanded, it should be recalled that as Shehu Alimi (Saliu) gained fame and became known far and wide, he played host to Toyeje the Baale of Ogbomoso who was Afonja’s Friend and deputy as at that time. Some historians also claim that Mallam Alimi was so impressed by Toyeje’s Hospitality when he visited Ogbomoso as a friend of Kakanfo Afonja.

He then went ahead to appreciate Toyeje’s hospitality by burying some charms around the town and prayed that Ogbomoso would never be subjugated or subdued militarily by invaders whether then or in the future. An action many believed the Mallam eventually regretted after he took control of Ilorin and decided to conquer the Yorubaland.

The Kakanfo Office and Toyeje Akanni Alebiosu

The Aare Ona Kakanfo title is an esteemed but dreaded war title in Yorubaland. As the Supreme Commander (field marshal or generalissimo) of the Oyo/Yoruba imperial army, it is a title sought desperately and intensely by military commanders in the days of the old Oyo empire when war was trendy and raged with unbridled intensity.

Afonja Layaloko and Latosisa among others took the title by force to underscore the extreme craving for it. However, the title is associated with misfortune; it is on record that the holders always meet with violent ends as well as bringing ill-fate to their towns. Afonja died cruelly, killed by his Fulani allies led by Mallam Alimi in a hail of spears and arrows that dangled from his body after he was repeatedly shot at, making his body suspended against crashing on the ground, following which his Ilorin throne was seized and Ilorin created a Fulani emirate with allegiance to the Sokoto Caliphate.

Aare Kuruynmi of Ijaye, who hailed from Esiele in today’s Ogbomoso zone, another brave warrior who fought many battles against the Fulani jihadists also died despondently after losing five sons in a day during a war with the Ibadan army-led Balogun Ibikunle and Bashorun Ogunmola, and subsequently had his Ijaye beloved town razed to the ground, a calamity the town never recovered from.

Latosisa, a native of Fiditi, who became king of Ibadan, and who reportedly snatched the Aare Ona Kakanfo title from Ojo Aburumaku, Baale of Ogbomoso and son of Toyeje, allegedly committed suicide after his generals revolted against him during Kiriji War with the disastrous result of losing the Ekiti/Ijesa dominion of the fledgling Ibadan Empire and ultimately a takeover of Yorubaland by the British colonialists.

Perhaps such ruinous end often met by holders of Kakanfo title is rooted in the Yoruba saying “Iku ogun ni pa akikanju” (The brave dies of battle). In modern times, Aare Samuel Ladoke Akintola GCON, who was Premier of the defunct Western Region, was felled by coupists’ bullets in a most brutal way; Aare Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, who won a presidential election which was annulled by reactionary forces, was allegedly poisoned to death after he refused to jettison his pan-Nigerian mandate.

Moreover, the towns from which the holders of the title hailed in the pre-colonial period, except Ogbomoso and Ibadan, from Iwoye to Ajase, to Jabata to Gbogun to Ijaye, are either in ruins today or have lost their relevance and former status. Ilorin on its own took on a new characteristic altogether! So, it can be described as a title that comes with the duplicity of boom and doom!

Perhaps the reason why the current holder, Aare Gani Adams, is treading with tremendous caution in the face of the current peril against the Yoruba nation, a trait unknown to the past occupiers of the post. Aare Ona Kakanfos in the past were restless spirits who felt elated at waging wars at the peril of their own life, warmongers they were!

But General Toyeje Akanni, whose nickname was “Alebiosu” (One who rises like the moon), had a different trajectory as a holder of the title. He not only survived the calamity infamously associated with the office but used it to turn his town of Ogbomoso into an impregnable fortress. Perhaps the dictum that “to every rule, there is an exception” holds true in the case of the intrepid Toyeje.

He was of indomitable courage and spirit, which ensured that the Fulani menace which engendered the fall of the once mighty Oyo Empire was unsuccessful against his kingdom, Ogbomoso.

Even after his death, the foundation of formidability he orchestrated and laid ensured the town never capitulated. His determination to preserve the sovereignty of Ogbomoso must have propelled his immediate successors and army generals resident in the community to be unrelenting in fending off the numerous invasions of the Fulani army.

All through his adult life and reign, he constantly waged wars, many perished by his sword yet he died a peaceful death.

Toyeje Akanni Alebiosu’s Military Campaigns

The military campaigns of Toyeje Akaani Alebiosu followed the defeat of the Oyo Army by Afonja who was ably assisted by the Jamaas, it became clear that discipline had broken down in Oyo Empire, with distrust and rivalry among provincial chiefs and among the nobility, both in the capital and elsewhere in the provinces, most subjects became recalcitrant. This was the situation Toyeje met and now that the Yoruba came under Kakanfo Toyeje, his preoccupation was to drive away the Fulani dignitaries from Ilorin.

Toyeje Akanni Alebiosu, the Field Marshal (Aare Ona Kakanfo) of Yorubaland led major wars against the Fulani-Hausa Jihadists in the second and third decades of the nineteenth century before the emergence of Ibadan as a military power. It saddens the minds that the Kakanfo’s aim of total victory against the Fulani was not achieved because Yoruba were not one of their plans.

Thus, his bid to salvage the Yoruba from the clutches of Fulani to drive them away from Ilorin led to a number of wars which he commanded as a shrewd, brave, forceful, strong-hearted, and purposeful leader.

The wars he commanded as the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland are:

• The Battle of Ogele (1824)
• Mugba Mugba War (1825)
• The Battle of Pamo
• The Battle of Ede

Reign and legacy

His ascension to the throne was dramatic. Olukan, the eighth king of Ogbomoso, was accused of murder by his many enemies and was consequently summoned to the royal court at Oyo, the capital city of the empire. Prince Toyeje, his nephew, accompanied him. And when Olukan could not extricate himself from the web of murder charges woven around him, Toyeje was proclaimed king.

In fact, the Alaafin of Oyo at the time, while interrogating Olukan had demanded to know the names of other princes that could take the throne; some were mentioned to his hearing but he dismissed them based on the meaning conveyed by their names; his eyes then strayed to the scrawny Toyeje and asked who he was.

When told he was also of the chieftaincy family, he demanded his name, informed it was “To-ye-je,” the ruler’s face lit up and said this is the person that would now take the throne. Literally, Toyeje means, “Re-assume-the-chieftaincy.” He became the ruler of Ogbomoso in the late 18th or early 19th century.

Toyeje reorganized Ogbomoso’s defences, and his rise to power coincided with the period of peace and tranquillity that was taking flight from Yorubaland. Afonja had been appointed Aare Ona Kakanfo by Alaafin Aole but went ahead to rebel against Aole by declaring the independence of Ilorin from Oyo. Several other towns were to follow suit.

Meanwhile, a Fulani Islamic scholar and itinerant preacher, Othman Dan Fodio, had launched a jihad in Gobir (today’s Sokoto) in 1804, and his bellicose disciples overran the whole of Hausaland and some other tribal kingdoms.

Many Fulanis and Hausa slaves Afonja conscripted into his army, styled Jamaas. Afonja turned deaf ears to all entreaties to wean himself of these marauders. In fact, Fagbohun, Baale Jabata, who was a deputy Kakanfo (Osi or Commander of the Left), was insistent on this, but Afonja’s response was to scheme to kill him, Fagbohun however escaped the plot.

When the excesses of the Jamaa military band, as it engaged unrestrictedly in plundering, pillaging, kidnapping, slave raiding etc, became unbearable even to Afonja, he moved to disband it but too late, the marauders got wind of his ploy and rose against him in arms before he could rally support from outside; he fought fearlessly but he was overwhelmed by numbers and killed in battle. The Ilorin throne was seized with allegiance sworn to the Sultan at Sokoto, Sokoto being the epicentre of the jihad, and all together abrogated the title “Oba of Ilorin.”

By Afonja’s death, destiny beckoned on Toyeje. As first deputy to Afonja (Otun Kakanfo or Commander of the Right), he was promoted to Aare Ona Kakanfo. Upon him now fell the gargantuan mantle of rescuing Ilorin from the Fulanis and more importantly halting their incursions further into the Yoruba nation as it had become clear that the invaders were being borne by an imperialistic ambition.

The Fulanis were buoyed greatly by their victories in Ilorin and its suburbs, and so, their next objective was to overrun Ogbomoso, the next major Yoruba town after Ilorin. This was the scenario when Toyeje got into the saddle.

In “Iwe Itan Ogbomoso,” (The History of Ogbomoso), written by N. D. Oyerinde, he is described thus: “In matters of wisdom, courage and power, Toyeje was a formidable man.”

Toyeje’s first task was to expel the Fulani usurpers from Ilorin. He promptly mobilized for battle. Nevertheless, the mission was unsuccessful as internal strife, treachery and disunity ravaged his troop. His generals were not in accord with him owing to jealousies, selfishness, arrogance and inordinate ambitions; loyalty to the cause was flippant, which considerably sabotaged his efforts.

Onikoyi Adegun and Solagberu in Oke Suna, Ilorin, were the two other most fearsome Yoruba generals of the age. Solagberu was subservient to Ilorin; Adegun was neither here nor there, only Toyeje stood unwaveringly for Oyo/Yoruba. The tactics of these enemies within was to give way to the Fulani at the most crucial moments when Toyeje and other loyal troops had made a charge.

That Toyeje did not perish in the face of such uncertain circumstances was a miracle due to his ability as a general. To further drive home this point Adegun later usurped the powers of Alaafin by investing the title of Kakanfo in another warlord, Edun of Gbogun.

The Fulanis were brave, driven by a burning desire to conquer the land and with their swift cavalry army, armed with spears; they proved adequately formidable against the Yoruba infantry soldiers armed with bows and arrows. Ogele and Mugba-mugba (Yunyere-yunyere) wars were some of the campaigns to recapture Ilorin but victory eluded the Yorubas.

The circumstances described above among the Yoruba leading warriors of the time featured prominently in these wars and consequently stood in the way of victory. And so, Ilorin could not be taken back. And it should be realized that many powerful Yoruba warriors in Ilorin like Balogun Ajikobi and Balogun Alanamu, also overcome by personal glory and the lure of war captives and booties, similarly came under the Fulani-led Ilorin army to join the onslaught against their kith and kin.

Toyeje made great sacrifices to maintain the territorial integrity of Yorubaland making his Ogbomoso army especially to largely bear the brunt of these wars. Some Ogbomoso mighty generals of the time are Areago Oniyirokun, Bammeke, Ogunrunmbi, Ikolaba Olujonku, Balogun Lasinmiran (an Ijeru/Oje prince and warlord). They shared the credit of protecting Ogbomoso and Yorubaland as a whole at this hazardous time.

Toyeje also fought Pamo War; this was a war with Onikoyi Adegun. Toyeje, supported by Solagberu and contingents from Ejigbo, Osogbo, Ede, Iwo, Ilobu etc (which were all under Ogbomoso during the time), was on the verge of victory when the troops of Emir Abdulsalami Alimi of Ilorin made a sudden appearance at the theatre of war to aid Ikoyi, as Adegun hurriedly pledged allegiance to Ilorin to secure military aid.

Meanwhile, Solagberu had an axe to grind with Adegun, hence his support for Toyeje, a decision that set him on a collision path with the Ilorin leaders, who later declared war against him and vanquished him. Ede and Aiyepe wars were some other wars waged by Toyeje. Ede, which was a vassal town to Ogbomoso, refused to pay tributes and so, Toyeje sent a punitive force under General Lasinmiran to Ede. Ede was pummeled and so was brought under submission again.

Toyeje also had a strand of diplomacy in him. His strategies turned Ogbomoso into a powerful town. He attracted many warriors, and warlords whose communities had fallen he brought to Ogbomoso, and he was generous in marrying off his daughters and other relatives to these warriors. For instance, Ikolaba Olujonku, who killed a brave warrior in the Aiyepe war, Toyeje rewarded by giving his daughter to him as a wife.

He also gave these mighty men lands to cement their loyalty. Furthermore, there were times Ilorin rulers asked Toyeje to come, he would not be obdurate, he would go assisted by some of his generals, and he would do their (physical) bidding by bowing to them though he was resolute that Ogbomoso would never come under the Fulanis. He was a match to them and he succumbed to none of their wily stratagems toad his domain to their empire.

He was known to always emphasize that even after his demise the town must not be subjugated to Ilorin. His military investment laid the foundation for the impregnability of Ogbomoso and made the town the centre of resistance to the Ilorin-led Fulani imperial army. Warlords poured into Ogbomoso and after his death, 143 different villages and towns with their traditional heads and people made Ogbomoso home, to repel the invaders.

Toyeje’s obsession with waging wars was amazing and he often displayed matchless gallantry; his strong will kept the kingdom together and he used his wit to advantage in dealing with Ilorin. Also, he saw the construction of a defence wall to make the town impenetrable. His efforts were great and impressively paid off as none of the attacks launched by the invaders ever penetrated or breached Ogbomoso’s defense line.

And to realize that the circumstance of his demise was serene in view of the numerous wars he fought and the dreadful position of supreme commander he held is remarkable. The belief even up to this day is that the holder has signed a pact with a violent death, but for Toyeje, this fate eluded him, perhaps he was the only Kakanfo who did not meet with a violent death. It was therefore an irony and a pleasant surprise.

Consolidation of His Town, Ogbomoso

By the time of Toyeje Akanni as the Kakanfo, Ogbomoso had become the gateway to Yoruba country from the North and it became the target of Fulani Jihadists to pass through to reach the South in order to dig the Koran in the Sea, he was well prepared to make Ogbomoso the bulwark and indeed an impregnable city by digging and constructing trenches round the town stretching from Laka stream of Olukuewu’s Compound down to Oloko stream of Olutun compound up to Oke-Ogede, and each of the town gates (bodes) under the watchful eyes of the war chiefs in the town.

His other spectacular achievements were that by dint of hard work, he made Ogbomoso a town of great military warriors and fighters. He was also able to do this by himself having love for war and love for military men. So he invited some renowned military men like Bammeke and Ogunrobi to Ogbomoso and to exploit their energies, he married them to his daughters.

Notable warriors who fought along with Toyeje included Jagun Lajubuta, the great-grandparent of Jagun Garuba Oyelude, equally Aareago Oluronnbi and Ikolaba Oluyanka accompanied Toyeje to Okesuna and Ayepe wars, apart from Balogun Lasinmiran from Ijeru ruling family who featured prominently in Mugba Mugba and Ede wars. In this turbulent period of unrest, upheavals sweeping across Yorubaland, Ogbomoso stood exceptionally as the constant star and remained as the Rock of Gibraltar.

In between his last days and the coming of his successor, Baale Oluwusi, many towns and villages already laid in waste were moving into Ogbomoso as a mighty fortress and safety for their protection.

There may not be any Yoruba leader as Toyeje in the course of Yoruba history and would remain the greatest Baale ever to reign in Ogbomoso. It is a tribute to Toyeje Akanni Alebiosu of Ogbomoso as kakanfo whose reign seemed to be an exception to the rule of kakanfo in Yoruba history for during his time in office he fought for the unity and oneness of the Yoruba race. There may be no Oba/Kakanfo as Toyeje Akanni Alebiosu as powerful and great from the beginning of Ogbomoso until it shall end, or probably until the coming of the white men.

Despite his war exploits, Toyeje Akanni died peacefully after the most distinguished renal military achievement and Ogbomoso had become a town or town of note having warlords, fame, safety, and security firmly put in place. Toyeje was survived by many sons, namely: Dairo, Makusanda, Lalude, Ojo Aburumaku and Oyedepo.

His descendants today constitute one of the royal houses of Ogbomoso, indeed first in the line. He died in the late 1820s.

He was succeeded by his stepbrother, Oluwusi, whose great-grandson is the Late Soun of Ogbomoso – Oladunni Oyewumi Ajagungbade III JP, CON, CFR.

Reference

1.  Nathaniel Durojaye Oyerinde, Iwe Itan Ogbomoso
2. Oyebisi Okewuyi (JP.) 2013, Ogbomoso in the Early Times, Modern Era and in Today’s Contemporary World, Published and printed by Johnny Printing Works, Beside Okelerin Court Area, Ogbomoso, Nigeria
3. Samuel Johnson; The history of the Yorubas, Lagos, CSS Limited; 1921; pg. 126-128
4. Ben George, Toyeje, Ogbomoso warrior king: He bravely fought Fulani Jihadists yet died peacefully, Ogbomoso Insight



THE IWOFA SYSTEM IN YORUBALAND AND THE LAWS THAT WAS REGULATING IT

The term Iwofa has no equivalent in English. It denotes one who serves another periodically in lieu of the interest on money lent. In short, it is one in service for interest. It has been mistranslated a “pawn” by those who fancied they saw a resemblance to it in that system, and are trying to identify everything native with those that are foreign, and consequently, as in other similar cases, much mischief has been done thereby.

The Yoruba man is simply shocked to hear of “pawning” a man as is done with goods and chattels; to pawn in Yoruba is “fi dogo” which term is never applied to a human being. It has also been compared to slavery by those ignorant of the legal conditions ruling the system; but an Iwofa is a free man, his social status remains the same, his civil and political rights are intact, and he is only subject to his master in the same universal sense that “a borrower is a servant to the lender.”

Iwofas are held quite distinct from slaves; the verbs applied to each system mark the distinction e.g. “ra” to buy is applied to a slave, “ya” to lend or engage (a hand) to an Iwofa; consequently, you can buy a slave, but engage an Iwofa or serviceman. The derivation of the term is probably from “Iwo” the entering into, and “Efa” a period of six days; hence an Iwefa is one who enters into a recurrent sixth-day service.

The Iwofa system is a contract entered into in the presence of witnesses called “Onigbowo” i.e. sponsors, the money-lender is termed “Oluwa” i.e. master, and the worker Iwofa, i.e. a serviceman. It is a legal transaction recognized and protected by the laws of the country. Whatsoever the amount of money lent, it is the law that the service rendered goes for the interest, and only the principal is paid back whenever a payment is made whether after a few days or after many years.

An Iwofa may be a man or a woman, a boy or a girl, and the laws for each differ accordingly. Iwefa lives in his own house and plies his own trade, but he is required to clean a piece of land equal to 100 yam heaps or an equivalent in his master’s farm once a week, the Yoruba week consisting of five days. The people being mainly agricultural, farm-cleaning is the work of their daily life and is the recognized ordinary system of labour.

Cleaning three hundred heaps is the ordinary amount of an average man’s daily work, consequently, a strong man often found it possible to work in three different farms on the same day, for different masters, or to do three week’s work at a time in one farm, and have 14 off days at a stretch, in which he is free to follow his own trade without interruption. Special arrangements can also be made if a longer period is desired, but the Iwefa is bound to make up for the number of days lost.

This is the original law, but it is subject to slight modification or variation in various places, according to the local value, or the amount of money lent; e.g. amongst the Egbas, a whole day’s work is required instead of a morning’s work. But whatever modification of the original law is made in any particular locality, the law for that tribe is always fixed by the authority, and never subject to the whims and caprice of an individual money-lender.

The master is to treat the serviceman as his social rank demands, he mingles freely with his equals in the house or in the field as a member of the household. A kind master often allows him his breakfast before he quits the field although he is not bound to do so, and if a master is too exacting or disagreeable, he may be changed any day without any previous notice, once the money lent is paid back in full.

Where the master is a great chief or a rich man, the serviceman may live under his protection and own him his feudal lord; hence some men never troubled themselves to pay back the money, but may rather incur further obligations, being safe and free under the protection of a great name. Some men there are, who are better able to do another man’s work than their own. An Iwofa is never subject to punishment physical or otherwise, if he fail in his weekly service, the sponsors are called upon to make good the deficiencies.

An Iwofa differs from a slave in that a slave must live with his master, an Iwofa in his own house. A slave can be compelled to work for his master every day, an Iwofa for a limited amount of work for half a day in the week, and that not by compulsion but from obligations of honour. A slave can be punished, an Iwofa cannot be. A slave has lost his independence and political rights, an Iwofa retains both. A slave has no one responsible for him, an Iwofa has two at least. In fine an Iwofa can go and come as he likes, a slave cannot.

For women, the same law holds good generally but with some modifications on account of their sex; they work generally as char-women once a week, and have a meal in the house before returning home. In some cases, they may live among the womenfolk in their master’s house, carrying on their own work, and lending a helping hand in the housework and in harvest time do their own share of the day’s work in the field along with the other women.

Some are engaged in trade, in which they sell for their master at the same time, and bring him the proceeds of his own articles as the allotted service rendered. When the trade is done in the home market, payments are made every nine days which are market days; when out of town, at the return of the caravan. If a servicewoman is tampered with by the master, the money is thereby considered absolutely paid, and the debt discharged.

If forced against her will, not only is the debt cancelled, but he is also liable to prosecution and heavy fines besides to be paid both to the woman’s husband as damages and to the town authorities as court fees. If a young unmarried woman is tampered with, not only is the debt ipso facto discharged, but the master has to repay the fiancéall the money he has spent on her and also a betrothal “dowry” to the parents besides.

If the matter is not arranged amicably and the case has to go before the town authorities, the master has to pay, and heavy fines are inflicted on him. Often has a rich man been reduced to poverty by this means and consequently they are always very careful. If a betrothed girl becomes marriageable whilst in service and her fiancéwishes to get married at once, he has only to pay back the loan and lead his intended bride away.

A woman cannot be married whilst doing service work. A boy or a girl in service has to live entirely with the master or mistress as a domestic servant, inasmuch as their services are not worth much and they have to be trained besides, and the parent or whoever placed him there is supposed to have his whole time to ply his trade and withdraw his child as soon as possible; therefore, the boy must give the master his whole time whatever that may be worth.

The master is bound to feed him but not necessarily to clothe him, although many kind masters do that as well. They have a fixed time to visit their parents, usually once a week. The boys generally tend horses and run errands, and the girls engage with the house-wives in domestic affairs. They are always with the boys and girls of their own age in the family. The law protects such children very strongly.

If the child refuse to stay any longer with the master or mistress for any cause whatever, they are never forced against their wish, but the parent or guardian must provide a substitute, or perform himself the weekly task. If a child die during his or her service, the master must prove to the satisfaction of the parents and (if need be) of the town authorities that it was not due to any act of carelessness or neglect on his part and that he provided ample medical aid for him.

The troubles accruing from young Iwofas are often a deterrent to the acceptance of them for service; some folks would expect and demand more comforts for their children in service than they can provide for them at home. Marriages and funerals are the two great causes of money borrowing. But this system is not limited alone to the business of professional money-lenders, it enters much into other transactions of their everyday life.

The system of engaging domestic servants for service with a monthly wage is unknown in this country, the Iwofa system is what is resorted to for that purpose. A parent will even put his child into service that way when there is no debt to pay in order to train him into habits of discipline and industry, and return the money when they feel that the child has been sufficiently trained. Some would do so and put the money into trade and when satisfied with the profits made, return the principal and bring the child home.

The Iwofa system is used also for an apprenticeship. A man who wants his son to learn a particular trade would put him under the craftsman for the purpose, and obtain from him a certain amount of money; the master, wishing to get his interest out of the boy will see that he learns speedily and well, so as to be of some use to him. In this way, both are benefited. A chief or a well-to-do gentleman with a wild and unruly son whom he wishes to tame, or who is indulged at home, would also resort to this method for training and discipline.

In such a case the boy will remain with such a handicraftsman until he is able to earn his own livelihood by his craft, then the money is paid back and the boy returns home. This method of lending money is the only one known for investment and is therefore resorted to as their banking system. So, the Iwofa system may be regarded as one and the same time as one for banking, apprenticeship, and domestic service.

Since the establishment of the British Protectorate, there has been more than one attempt made to abolish the system as a “species of slavery” and it was successful as we don’t really have the Iwofa System again in Yorubaland. The Yorubas themselves never at any time regarded the Iwefa system as slavery; to so regard it must be due either to an ignorance of the laws regulating it or because an exact equivalent cannot be found in any European system.

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